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Matthew Scherer on 9/11, the Financial Crisis, and Climate Change as Conversion Events (Full Screen)
CENTER NEWS
May 23, 2013Faith Leaders Helping Heal US-Pakistan Relations
May 22, 2013
Evidence Does Not Support Fears of Islam in the West
May 21, 2013
Tom Farr Quoted on Religious Freedom and Extremism by FrontPage Magazine
May 21, 2013
Tim Shah Featured in Deseret News Story on State Department Religious Freedom Report
May 21, 2013
Sin, Corruption and What Religions Can Do About It
May 20, 2013
Tom Farr's Presentation at the Common Word Conference on April 24
May 20, 2013
Roger Trigg Explores the Links between Philosophy of Religion and Religious Marginalization
May 20, 2013
Roger Trigg's Address to the Iona Institute Conference on "What We Owe Christianity"
May 16, 2013
Junior Year Abroad Network Annual Report
May 10, 2013
The Faith of the Novelist
May 7, 2013
Providing Relief by Need, not Creed
May 2, 2013
Article by Roger Trigg Claims Religious Freedom is Not Just Special Pleading
April 29, 2013
Timothy Shah Presents Paper on Religious Freedom, Democratization, and Economic Development
April 29, 2013
New Video: Tom Farr Addresses Religious Freedom and Terrorism with EWTN's Raymond Arroyo
April 29, 2013
The Terrorists Next Door?
Alexa Ryan West
Alexa Ryan West is a member of the class of 2013 in Georgetown's School of Foreign Service. Originally from New York, she participated in the Junior Year Abroad Network from Jerusalem, Israel during the spring of 2012.
Navigating the Religious-Secular Divide on an Israeli Bus
March 18, 2012 | 2 COMMENTS
On my commute home from work, on the highway from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, the bus broke down. Tired and eager to get to a Ma'ayanot (yeshiva, or Jewish study, for girls) lecture, I gloomily hopped off the bus, perched myself on the barrier of the highway, and waited for another bus to pick me and the other Israeli travelers up. Luckily, this happened in no time, and I boarded the next bus.
In Israel, there is no concept of a queue (one of the cultural differences I'm still having trouble-and bruises-getting used to), and my fellow stranded passengers stampeded onto the new bus. I was one of the last to trickle in, and alongside me was a religious woman with a very young baby. As there was only one seat left on the bus, I gestured for her to take the seat, but her eyes just widened and she continued to stand.
The bus was filled with the normal array of Israelis: some Arabs, some teenagers texting and passing out to music, a mélange of religious men and women--some in kipot, long skirts, and others more formal in wigs and full haredi suits--and their obviously secular counterparts (a duo of tattooed, bald men sat together near the front, and a group of rowdy university students near the exit). The man with the available seat next to him was an ultra-Orthodox Jew. He was sitting in front, legs sprawled and his hat on the seat beside him.
I had forgotten. Religious Jewish men avoid sitting next to women as part of their practice of Shomer Negiah, literally meaning "observant of touch," but widely known as an Orthodox Jewish custom of men and women avoiding all physical contact. This includes everything from hugs to handshakes, but according to Biblical and Rabbinic law, sitting next to a member of the opposite sex is okay. Many men and women avoid doing so, though, because they find the potential physical contact a temptation, a reminder of the sexual world they try so hard, god fearing, to avoid.
The passengers were able to do some tetris-like rearrangements so the woman could sit down next to another woman, and the ultra-Orthodox man had another man sit next to him. The problem was solved, the entire situation taking about five minutes, but a vehemently secular man (one of the bald ones) couldn't help but express himself: he was extremely angry that the entire ordeal took place. It is disrespectful to not allow a woman, especially a young mother, a seat. A young religious man came to the defense of the older haredi, and the very familiar religious-secular debate began to take place.
Israel is a country without a constitution, and today's main domestic issue is figuring out whether or not the nation is truly a Jewish State. Sure, the bus wasn't a religious bus--but was it a purely secular bus? Lately, the news has been covering the sensitive issue of women sitting in the back of the bus per request of religious men.
There is no "back of the bus" Rosa-Parks-esque connotation here, yet many still find it disrespectful to have the women and men separated in such a way. The rapidly growing religious population (in both numbers and influence) is creating a major religious-secular divide in all aspects of Israeli life: education, army service, legislature, and even day-to-day bus rides. Israel is a very dynamic country, but reconciling its dynamism politically has become a real problem.
This also begs the question of whether or not Israel should be putting in time and effort to define whether or not it is a religious state. Sure, this ambiguity causes a lot of controversy, but would a delineated secular-religious policy solve or exacerbate the current situation? Maybe staying vague leaves more room for argument, and therefore more room for positive progression.
Either way, the bus kept on moving, just like Israel keeps on persevering in international politics. But the ride would have been much smoother, and diplomatic and domestic relations much easier, if the religious-secular divide were solved.
In Israel, there is no concept of a queue (one of the cultural differences I'm still having trouble-and bruises-getting used to), and my fellow stranded passengers stampeded onto the new bus. I was one of the last to trickle in, and alongside me was a religious woman with a very young baby. As there was only one seat left on the bus, I gestured for her to take the seat, but her eyes just widened and she continued to stand.
The bus was filled with the normal array of Israelis: some Arabs, some teenagers texting and passing out to music, a mélange of religious men and women--some in kipot, long skirts, and others more formal in wigs and full haredi suits--and their obviously secular counterparts (a duo of tattooed, bald men sat together near the front, and a group of rowdy university students near the exit). The man with the available seat next to him was an ultra-Orthodox Jew. He was sitting in front, legs sprawled and his hat on the seat beside him.
I had forgotten. Religious Jewish men avoid sitting next to women as part of their practice of Shomer Negiah, literally meaning "observant of touch," but widely known as an Orthodox Jewish custom of men and women avoiding all physical contact. This includes everything from hugs to handshakes, but according to Biblical and Rabbinic law, sitting next to a member of the opposite sex is okay. Many men and women avoid doing so, though, because they find the potential physical contact a temptation, a reminder of the sexual world they try so hard, god fearing, to avoid.
The passengers were able to do some tetris-like rearrangements so the woman could sit down next to another woman, and the ultra-Orthodox man had another man sit next to him. The problem was solved, the entire situation taking about five minutes, but a vehemently secular man (one of the bald ones) couldn't help but express himself: he was extremely angry that the entire ordeal took place. It is disrespectful to not allow a woman, especially a young mother, a seat. A young religious man came to the defense of the older haredi, and the very familiar religious-secular debate began to take place.
Israel is a country without a constitution, and today's main domestic issue is figuring out whether or not the nation is truly a Jewish State. Sure, the bus wasn't a religious bus--but was it a purely secular bus? Lately, the news has been covering the sensitive issue of women sitting in the back of the bus per request of religious men.
There is no "back of the bus" Rosa-Parks-esque connotation here, yet many still find it disrespectful to have the women and men separated in such a way. The rapidly growing religious population (in both numbers and influence) is creating a major religious-secular divide in all aspects of Israeli life: education, army service, legislature, and even day-to-day bus rides. Israel is a very dynamic country, but reconciling its dynamism politically has become a real problem.
This also begs the question of whether or not Israel should be putting in time and effort to define whether or not it is a religious state. Sure, this ambiguity causes a lot of controversy, but would a delineated secular-religious policy solve or exacerbate the current situation? Maybe staying vague leaves more room for argument, and therefore more room for positive progression.
Either way, the bus kept on moving, just like Israel keeps on persevering in international politics. But the ride would have been much smoother, and diplomatic and domestic relations much easier, if the religious-secular divide were solved.
RESPONSE TO ALEXA WEST FROM JORDAN DENARI - May 25, 2012
Alexa, your reflection reminded me of similar experiences I had in Jordan during the past semester. I, like you, was very frustrated by the fact that there is no concept of waiting in lines. At fast-food restaurants near my university, students would walk in front of me, despite that I was clearly waiting to order next.
Additionally, the bus culture between men and women in Jordan is practically identical to environment in Israel. Islam has similar requirements about contact between men and women, and though I doubt there are particular rules about sitting next to a member of the opposite sex, the norms have developed in such a way that this action isn’t acceptable. Wanting to respect this custom, my friends and I were always conscious not to sit next to a member of the opposite sex.
During my time in Jordan, I attended a play that made light of a number of different cultural and political issues in the country. One of the scenes took place on a bus, and a musical chairs of sorts ensued when men and women had to readjust their seating arrangements in order to comply with the norms. The entire audience laughed at the scene, not because the custom is trivial and unnecessary (as some Westerners might like to think) but instead because it’s a real—and sometimes funny—situation that requires special accommodation.
While I was very conscious of this gender-bus dynamic in Jordan, I didn’t realize that it existed in Israel as well. I visited Jerusalem over my spring break, and now think back on my time on the tram there. Did I sit next to someone inappropriately? If so, I missed the awkward looks of those who probably shook their heads, thinking, “Silly American.”
Additionally, the bus culture between men and women in Jordan is practically identical to environment in Israel. Islam has similar requirements about contact between men and women, and though I doubt there are particular rules about sitting next to a member of the opposite sex, the norms have developed in such a way that this action isn’t acceptable. Wanting to respect this custom, my friends and I were always conscious not to sit next to a member of the opposite sex.
During my time in Jordan, I attended a play that made light of a number of different cultural and political issues in the country. One of the scenes took place on a bus, and a musical chairs of sorts ensued when men and women had to readjust their seating arrangements in order to comply with the norms. The entire audience laughed at the scene, not because the custom is trivial and unnecessary (as some Westerners might like to think) but instead because it’s a real—and sometimes funny—situation that requires special accommodation.
While I was very conscious of this gender-bus dynamic in Jordan, I didn’t realize that it existed in Israel as well. I visited Jerusalem over my spring break, and now think back on my time on the tram there. Did I sit next to someone inappropriately? If so, I missed the awkward looks of those who probably shook their heads, thinking, “Silly American.”
RESPONSE TO ALEXA WEST FROM MARY GRACE REICH - June 10, 2012
Alexa,
Thank you for this insight into your experience in Israel. It is interesting that such public, animated debate occurs between religious and secular Israelis. I wonder how a religious secular policy would take shape in a country where religious and secular cultural practices are often so intertwined.
Your headline caught my attention because of the many observations of public prayer and preaching of the Christian faith that I witnessed on Ghanaian public transportation. On more occasion that one, a passenger stood up and preached extensively and expressively. In my experience, no one questioned the display though--most passengers rather echoed "Amen" at the appropriate times.
Although this might not as problematic as having to switch seats, I was somewhat surprised that I never observed a response from a secularist--or non-Christian--in Ghana, despite the fact that the country is a secularly defined nation, in these expressions of Christian practice. Christian beliefs penetrate politics as well--from public discourse to moral invocations on policy debates, such as those regarding homosexuality. I did not observe or catch wind of tension with these Christian overtones.
I wonder if this is a result of homogeneity in terms of intensity of religiosity in Ghana (despite some religious diversity)? Or rather, perhaps public tension is avoided because the guarantee of a secular state provides citizens with the protection to defend themselves if public religious expression did become a personal violation?
Thank you for this insight into your experience in Israel. It is interesting that such public, animated debate occurs between religious and secular Israelis. I wonder how a religious secular policy would take shape in a country where religious and secular cultural practices are often so intertwined.
Your headline caught my attention because of the many observations of public prayer and preaching of the Christian faith that I witnessed on Ghanaian public transportation. On more occasion that one, a passenger stood up and preached extensively and expressively. In my experience, no one questioned the display though--most passengers rather echoed "Amen" at the appropriate times.
Although this might not as problematic as having to switch seats, I was somewhat surprised that I never observed a response from a secularist--or non-Christian--in Ghana, despite the fact that the country is a secularly defined nation, in these expressions of Christian practice. Christian beliefs penetrate politics as well--from public discourse to moral invocations on policy debates, such as those regarding homosexuality. I did not observe or catch wind of tension with these Christian overtones.
I wonder if this is a result of homogeneity in terms of intensity of religiosity in Ghana (despite some religious diversity)? Or rather, perhaps public tension is avoided because the guarantee of a secular state provides citizens with the protection to defend themselves if public religious expression did become a personal violation?
Ethiopian Jews are Struggling to Assimilate in Israel
May 29, 2012 | 1 COMMENT
Israel, though known as the land of the Jewish people, is extremely diverse. One of the most fascinating populations within Israel is the Ethiopian Jewry. Israel's Law of Return entitles any Jew to immigrate and settle in Israel. Jewish immigrants receive full citizenship rights immediately upon making Aliyah. When the Jewish population in Ethiopia felt oppressed, they came in waves to Israel. The first operation was Operation Moses in 1984-5, in which 8,000 Ethiopian Jews were brought from Sudan to Israel. The second was covert Operation Solomon, in which 12,345 Ethiopians were flown via Israel's national airline, El Al, to Israel.
Most people think of Jews as coming from Eastern Europe, or from Spain and Morocco. Very few understand how a Jewish population ended up in Ethiopia. Ethiopian Jews claim that they are descendents of Queen Shiba, the wife of King Solomon. Ethiopia was home to a thriving Jewish culture, but it was slowly being oppressed by the government. The first modern contact with the now oppressed community came in 1769 when the Scottish explorer James Bruce stumbled upon them while searching for the source of the Nile River.
Israel jumped on this opportunity to congregate more Jews in the holy land. The head Rabbi of Israel claimed that the Ethiopian Jews were descendants of the Tribe of Dan (one of the twelve tribes of Israel. Dan was thought to be one of the ten lost tribes until contact was made with Ethiopian Jewry). All the Ethiopians came to Israel, and you'd think they lived happily ever after.
But alas, just like other minorities in other countries, Ethiopians have had a hard time fitting in among other Israelis. When Ethiopians arrived after Operation Solomon, public housing in Israel's main cities had all been occupied already by mass immigration from the Soviet Union. As a result, thousands of Ethiopian immigrants lived in temporary mobile homes, or "caravanim," upon arrival. Over 10,000 Ethiopians lived in absorption centers, originally meant to be temporary accommodations.
The absorption centers were designed to instigate a formalized integration process for the Ethiopians into main stream Israeli society. Many people thought the centers were a great and helpful idea, but many others resisted the centers and wanted to keep their original cultures. Ethiopian immigrants have had a lot of trouble with unemployment, lack of education, illiteracy, and illness. Because of this, Israel gives four times the amount of aid to Ethiopian immigrants than it does to any other immigrant population.
With these funds, the Ethiopian population is beginning to spread around Israel instead of being segregated into small areas, like southern Tel-Aviv. Ethiopians have established cultural centers to learn more about African Jewry. They are also slowly receiving better jobs, housing, and educations. Israelis have a lot to learn from the tolerant, vibrant Ethiopian culture, and more and more Israelis are realizing that by the day.
Most people think of Jews as coming from Eastern Europe, or from Spain and Morocco. Very few understand how a Jewish population ended up in Ethiopia. Ethiopian Jews claim that they are descendents of Queen Shiba, the wife of King Solomon. Ethiopia was home to a thriving Jewish culture, but it was slowly being oppressed by the government. The first modern contact with the now oppressed community came in 1769 when the Scottish explorer James Bruce stumbled upon them while searching for the source of the Nile River.
Israel jumped on this opportunity to congregate more Jews in the holy land. The head Rabbi of Israel claimed that the Ethiopian Jews were descendants of the Tribe of Dan (one of the twelve tribes of Israel. Dan was thought to be one of the ten lost tribes until contact was made with Ethiopian Jewry). All the Ethiopians came to Israel, and you'd think they lived happily ever after.
But alas, just like other minorities in other countries, Ethiopians have had a hard time fitting in among other Israelis. When Ethiopians arrived after Operation Solomon, public housing in Israel's main cities had all been occupied already by mass immigration from the Soviet Union. As a result, thousands of Ethiopian immigrants lived in temporary mobile homes, or "caravanim," upon arrival. Over 10,000 Ethiopians lived in absorption centers, originally meant to be temporary accommodations.
The absorption centers were designed to instigate a formalized integration process for the Ethiopians into main stream Israeli society. Many people thought the centers were a great and helpful idea, but many others resisted the centers and wanted to keep their original cultures. Ethiopian immigrants have had a lot of trouble with unemployment, lack of education, illiteracy, and illness. Because of this, Israel gives four times the amount of aid to Ethiopian immigrants than it does to any other immigrant population.
With these funds, the Ethiopian population is beginning to spread around Israel instead of being segregated into small areas, like southern Tel-Aviv. Ethiopians have established cultural centers to learn more about African Jewry. They are also slowly receiving better jobs, housing, and educations. Israelis have a lot to learn from the tolerant, vibrant Ethiopian culture, and more and more Israelis are realizing that by the day.
RESPONSE TO ALEXA WEST FROM SARAH AMOS - July 20, 2012
Alexa,
When I visited Israel before studying abroad in Egypt, I met with a women who ran an Ethiopian immigrant absorption center. My tour guide boasted that Israel is the only country that wants immigrants; he was talking about Operation Solomon’s importing of thousands of Ethiopian Jews. But your description of the absorption of difficulties facing Ethiopian Jews reminds me of the recent problem in Israel’s handling of Sudanese refugees. While Ethiopian Jews do have a legal basis for entry according to Israeli law, Sudanese and Eritrean refugees — who do not have the “golden ticket” of being Jewish — lack that luxury. At the moment, Israel is in a state of paralysis; they let these African refugees into the country, but will not allow them to work. Worse, some refugees are sent to detention centers.
As a Jewish state, it makes sense why Israel is averse to accepting an unlimited number of non-Jew immigrants. Setting aside the Palestinian conflict for a moment, if Israel let in non-Jews in great numbers, the very foundation of its state would be in question. (Interestingly, so far Israel has allowed 350,000 non-Jewish immigrants from former Soviet states. The fact that non-Jew Africans are not allowed though adds another confusing racial dimension.)
“So many Jews, not that many years ago, tried to enter other countries illegally, and were saved or were denied. And I would expect Israel to remember this,” Gideon Levy, a Haaretz columnist said. And indeed, the photos and video footage of African refugees sitting and sleeping in city squares, since they have nowhere to go, reminds one of the problem European Jews faced years ago. The groups of refugees are facing great racism from locals, and even violence. In early June, a house of ten Eritrean migrant workers was burned down, trapping some inside and injuring four. The culprit left a message in graffiti: “leave the neighborhood.”
Complicating this, Israel does not have a formal process for immigration, because most Jewish immigrants go through aliyah. At the moment Israel is scrambling to figure out a solution, one that retains their state’s Jewishness but does not provoke condemnation from the global community. But in the meantime on the ground, African refugees are being let in but not allowed to obtain work or housing to make temporary living in Israel hospitable. It’s a “huge experiment in human beings,” Levy said.
It’s a difficult issue. One that I won’t pretend to know an answer to. However, I think it’s hypocritical for Israel to take great pride in its acceptance of large scales of Jewish immigrants, while others who are escaping danger but aren’t Jewish, are not welcomed.
When I visited Israel before studying abroad in Egypt, I met with a women who ran an Ethiopian immigrant absorption center. My tour guide boasted that Israel is the only country that wants immigrants; he was talking about Operation Solomon’s importing of thousands of Ethiopian Jews. But your description of the absorption of difficulties facing Ethiopian Jews reminds me of the recent problem in Israel’s handling of Sudanese refugees. While Ethiopian Jews do have a legal basis for entry according to Israeli law, Sudanese and Eritrean refugees — who do not have the “golden ticket” of being Jewish — lack that luxury. At the moment, Israel is in a state of paralysis; they let these African refugees into the country, but will not allow them to work. Worse, some refugees are sent to detention centers.
As a Jewish state, it makes sense why Israel is averse to accepting an unlimited number of non-Jew immigrants. Setting aside the Palestinian conflict for a moment, if Israel let in non-Jews in great numbers, the very foundation of its state would be in question. (Interestingly, so far Israel has allowed 350,000 non-Jewish immigrants from former Soviet states. The fact that non-Jew Africans are not allowed though adds another confusing racial dimension.)
“So many Jews, not that many years ago, tried to enter other countries illegally, and were saved or were denied. And I would expect Israel to remember this,” Gideon Levy, a Haaretz columnist said. And indeed, the photos and video footage of African refugees sitting and sleeping in city squares, since they have nowhere to go, reminds one of the problem European Jews faced years ago. The groups of refugees are facing great racism from locals, and even violence. In early June, a house of ten Eritrean migrant workers was burned down, trapping some inside and injuring four. The culprit left a message in graffiti: “leave the neighborhood.”
Complicating this, Israel does not have a formal process for immigration, because most Jewish immigrants go through aliyah. At the moment Israel is scrambling to figure out a solution, one that retains their state’s Jewishness but does not provoke condemnation from the global community. But in the meantime on the ground, African refugees are being let in but not allowed to obtain work or housing to make temporary living in Israel hospitable. It’s a “huge experiment in human beings,” Levy said.
It’s a difficult issue. One that I won’t pretend to know an answer to. However, I think it’s hypocritical for Israel to take great pride in its acceptance of large scales of Jewish immigrants, while others who are escaping danger but aren’t Jewish, are not welcomed.