Andrew Marinelli

On February 17th of this year, Belgium surpassed Iraq as the longest standing country without a functioning government. Students, former government employees, and everyday citizens alike took to the streets to protest their political leaders’ continued failure to create a coalition government for the deeply divided country. Students at my host university, the French-speaking Université Libre de Bruxelles (or the Free University of Brussels), and the Dutch-speaking Vrije Universiteit Brussel (also translated the Free University of Brussels) participated in what was called the “Révolution des Frites” (French Fry Revolution) where students from both campuses marched through the streets of Brussels under one common identity—Belgian. The slogan of the revolution was “Se diviser? Pas en notre nom. – Jeunes” (Split apart? Not in our name. – the Young People.) This slogan truly brought to the surface the younger generation’s sentiment towards the non-existent government they’ve experienced for almost a year now. This generation of students does not want to see the collapse of Belgium in their lifetime and are willing to make a stand against the older generation who is putting their future as unified Belgian citizens in danger. The “Révolution des Frites” did not only happen in Brussels but throughout Belgium at other big university cities such as Gent, Leuven, Liège, and Antwerp.

To say that Belgium is a “country divided” would be one of the biggest understatements ever made. The country has already divided itself regionally into the northern, Dutch-speaking section Flanders and the southern, French-speaking section Wallonia with Brussels literally stuck dead center between them. The north-south divide is not only founded on linguistic differences but differences in culture, religion, and politics as well. This blatant divide in regional identity came to a head with the development of a political system early on. The Walloons were an obvious minority in the newfound Kingdom of Belgium after the Belgian Revolution in 1830, but dominated the political system and viewed the Flemish as second-class citizens. French was declared the national language but linguistic equality slowly developed throughout the 20th century. Follies in World War I, a veritable division in economic sectors and productivity, as well as a strong sense of linguistic heritage has continued to force these two regions apart. Many believe that by surpassing Iraq as the longest running country without a government may just be the last nail in the coffin for this country’s already waning unity.

Although tensions do seem high, many Belgians argue that the fact that Belgium still remains in tact today is testament to the population’s motivation to keep the country together. Socioeconomic and linguistic divisions are apparent and seem to be dividing the nation, but in the long run, these are issues that are generally viewed as “negotiable” among the population. In addition, the political, economic, and territorial ramifications behind its devolution would throw Belgium, and arguably the entire EU, into a scramble to restore balance. The current problem is that both sides seem to not want to make any concessions to the other for fear of losing the delicate political balance already on the brink of collapse in the country. The Walloons fear a separatist uprising backed by the N-VA that will forcibly divide the nation in two. The Flemish, on the other hand, are simply fed up with Wallonia’s anti-Flemish linguistic policies and want more nationwide equality. Compromises are few and far-between but many Belgians believe that the two parties will eventually be able to come to some common agreement.

On the other hand, a Reuters article conducted last November showed that, according to a voluntary poll, approximately two-thirds of the Flemish population believe that the devolution in Belgium will happen “sooner or later.” Economics has played a significant role as well; Wallonia, the historically economic breadwinner of the two regions, was recently surpassed by Flanders’ booming agriculture and light industry sectors. Consequently, legislation before the government’s collapse was focused on maintaining profits in Flanders feeling that Wallonia has reaped their economic benefits for long enough. From the Flemish separatists’ perspective, Wallonia has unfairly treated the northern Flemish for too long and now that they are economically more stable than the Wallonians, they would be perfectly self-sustainable after the potential split. The legitimacy of this statement has been brought into question, but the associated mentality is difficult to eradicate.

Prejudices are hard to change and old wounds take time to heal. This issue still remains at the heart of Belgian current affairs. Next week students from both universities will come together again for the second round of the “Révolution des Frites.” The battle continues.

Brussels is well-known throughout Europe as being one of the most multicultural capitol cities on the continent. I can use my own apartment of 5 tenants as a perfect “micro” example. I share my apartment with a man from Belgium, a man from Morocco, a student from Spain, and another student from Austria. Interestingly enough, there is no real common language between us as half can speak only French and no English while the other half can only speak English as a second language.

This multiculturalism has defined Brussels as a safe-haven city for many different groups of people as a welcoming and diverse metropolitan center. But this openness has been replaced recently by a fear of the growing Muslim population in the European capitol—especially those following the tenants of Islamic extremism.

Brussels has experienced an unprecedented population boom over the past half-century exacerbated by its foundation as one of the de facto capitals of Europe. As a result, it has become a haven for job opportunities, religious tolerance, and cultural diversity. A majority of the individuals moving to Brussels have been Muslims from North Africa seeking these promising opportunities and the start of a new life.

Fear mongers have started saying that Brussels could easily be a Muslim majority in 15-20 years. The Brussels government does not collect demographic statistics based on ethnicity but private estimates puts the Muslim population at somewhere between 15-20% in 2005. Many doubts have been cast on even these estimates saying that the Moroccan population alone is approximately 17%, which doesn’t include other major Muslim groups such as the Turks, who are also prevalent in the city. An anthropologist named Olivier Servais, head of the Laboratory for Prospective Anthropology at UCL, fanned the flames in 2008 claiming that closer estimates put the Muslim population at 33.5% of Brussels residents, even claiming that a majority could be a real possibility in 15-20 years. Although none of these figures can be proven, it also forgets to take into account the level of practice among those considered. This, in the past two decades, has become the real problem associated with Muslims and the spread of militarized Islam in Brussels.

In 2006, Hind Fraihi, a young Flemish-Muslim journalist, wrote a book entitled, “Undercover in Klein-Marokko, Achter De Gesloten Deuren Van De Radicale Islam” translated as “Undercover in Little Morocco, Behind the Closed Doors of Radical Islam.” In her book, Fraihi retells her experience undercover in the Muslim neighborhood Molenbeek. She entered the neighborhood disguised as a sociology student to experience first-hand the life of a Muslim woman in one of the areas of Brussels most known for the presence of extremist-Islam groups. She was shocked to find that the movement was primarily among the younger generations who felt subjected and persecuted by Belgian law. The older generations even referred to their younger counterparts as the “lost generation.” Fraihi described the lifestyle in Molenbeek as extremely violent in nature with many Muslims feeling as though Islamic law, especially those of the extremist persuasion, was superior to the law of the State.

Although it is unfair to depict an entire ethnic group by a small neighborhood sample, her work did shed some light on the impact growing radical Islam has had on certain neighborhoods in Brussels. The Molenbeek neighborhood is almost completely inhabited by Muslim Moroccans and there is little police interference with the violence there because of its dangerous reputation. Several police officers have been attacked and killed being considered a threat to the reign of Islam in the area.

The issue of the growing Muslim population in Brussels is difficult to comment on because many don’t see it as a problem at all. Brussels prides itself on its open nature, but it has seen an increase in crime rates and violence in the neighborhoods typically considered “Muslim.” The State has done a lot of work to attempt to remediate some of the issue through outreach programs and education reforms, but these alone cannot solve everything.

It is unclear whether the Muslim population will continue to increase, and to what extent this highly-militarized youth will affect life in the European capitol. It is clear though that further outreach in these neighborhoods by the government is necessary before the situation gets any worse. Unfortunately, this is difficult to do in country that cannot agree on its own separate interior cultural agenda enough to even support a functioning government—passing its 1-year anniversary without a government just yesterday.