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Mary Grace Reich

Mary Grace Reich is a student in the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service, class of 2013, studying Culture & Politics with a focus on religious and African studies. At the Berkley Center, she works as a research assistant for the Religion and Global Development project.

Faith in Fashion: Religious Expression in Ghana

March 16, 2012 | 3 COMMENTS

“Are you a Christian?” has been a common conversation starter with many Ghanaians with whom I have spoken so far. It caught me off guard initially. American social norms usually require some sort of preparation before prompting a stranger for their religious beliefs. In Ghana, religious identity often follows only your name.

Even more surprising, when I have responded that yes, I am a Christian—a Catholic, I have received a number of suggestions of how to enhance my Catholicism. Do I go to the Catholic Church on Sunday? I ought to go to daily mass more often, read the Bible more often, say the rosary more often, and fast longer.

I was discussing these conversations with a Ghanaian friend, and he thought that perhaps people were being more direct because I am an American. The understanding of many Ghanaians seems to be that America is not a religious nation. The idea of individuals not identifying with a religion at all is unusual (though not unheard of); and I have been warned that, as a result, many Ghanaians will try to make sure that I am a Christian, and, if I am not, that I become one.

Religiosity is a deeply ingrained social norm in Ghana. The outward expression of this religiosity has made me wonder how this disparity between Ghanaian society and United States society could exist. It is hard to digest the expressions of faith which saturate society.

From God’s Gift Chop Bar to Praise the Lord Electronics Shop, religious reminders are everywhere. When a religious social norm is so openly expressed, one might question the difference between faith-based practices and cultural rituals reflected in religious practice. Have followers found their own faith or have some of them rather adapted to the predominant lifestyle, the fashion of faith?

The element of show in religious practices in Ghana contributes to this question. Sunday mornings are a sea of women and men dressed in their best headed to Church. Several Ghanaians have actually commented to me that it can be awkward to be caught out in public in Sunday morning if you are evidently not going or coming from Church.

The financial character of the churches reinforces the display of religious practice. The Catholic mass which I attend includes several processions to the front of the church to make monetary donations whereas Catholic masses which I have attended in the U.S. tend to simply pass a basket which can be discretely denied.

One Catholic student shared with me after mass the desperation for funds, but also the fact that the public offerings can deter some individuals from attending. She suggested that this public pressure is even more extreme in other churches where announcements and celebrations are made as each person donates.

Religious expression is incorporated into how people dress, the names of the shops, financial investments, daily routines, common lingo, small chat, and various other aspects of public expression. It’s a way of life. It’s the way of life, in many situations. Coming from the United States (more specifically an east coast urban area), the charismatic Christian display of faith has made me somewhat skeptical.

However, faith is a delicate element of one’s character which ought not to be assessed superficially. I have experienced an overflow of the “Christian spirit” of generosity in Ghana. Perhaps I ought to consider the alternate to my intuition. Many Ghanaians may be deeply committed to their faith internally as much as they are externally.

Perhaps the hyper-political correctness in approaching faith in American society has diminished outward show of faith in many situations. Maybe the United States religious atmosphere is shaped as much by a social norm of personal, reserved religious belief as Ghanaian society is the norm of charismatic religious expression.

RESPONSE TO MARY GRACE REICH FROM SHEA HOULIHAN - March 31, 2012

The question 'Are you a Christian?' caught my immediately in this post, because it is something I would hardly expect to hear in the UK. I have found that religion is almost too personal a topic to discuss with most people, even loose friends. Your mention of religiosity and outward displays of faith in Ghana runs counter to almost everything that I have come to expect in the UK. Given this seeming divide, I wonder what it means to belong to the Anglican faith inside and outside of the UK.

RESPONSE TO MARY GRACE REICH FROM ANNA DRABEK - April 24, 2012

Mary Grace,

The conversations and general social attitude you describe towards Christianity is so foreign to my experience in Brussels. For one, the topic of religion is not brought up right off the bat. From the several times I have discussed religion though, it seems that I am the only one I know who goes to Mass regularly. Therefore, the reactions I get are usually an expression of surprise (no matter how hard people try to hide it), and then a series of questions about my family, my religious beliefs, and American culture.

In a discussion with my friend one time, she asked if Americans are truly very religious, because that seems to be the general perception here. She was basing this perception not only off of me, but also off of popular movies, and presidential campaigns and debates which are apparently centered around religion. I've also discussed the question of religion and beliefs with my landlords, who were more eager to tell me their reasons for not being practicing, than to hearing out mine for believing in what I do. They as well were under the impression that in the States, religion is much more widespread than it is here.

It is interesting that while your experiences have been those of intense and widespread practice of Christianity, mine have been the complete opposite. While abroad, have heard so many people discuss the absence of faith in their lives, that it has really got me thinking about my own. While in Ghana on a Sunday everyone may dress their best for Mass, in Brussels the fashion is pulled out for the most part uniquely for brunch on the town.

RESPONSE TO MARY GRACE REICH FROM DANIELLE LEE - April 30, 2012

First of all, I love that there's a place called the Praise the Lord Electronics Shop. Second, reading about your experience in Ghana reminds me a lot of the way western Europe and the US were only a century or so ago. Perhaps shops weren't all religiously named or anything like that, but the social infrastructure for expressing and developing Christian faith was all there.

What my question would be, then, is whether Ghanaians who profess different faiths are equally open and external about that faith. I'm not sure what the faith demographic is like there, but I think an understanding of the greater context of Christianity in Ghana amongst other religions (if there are other significant groups) would show a lot.

For instance, if Buddhist Ghanaians were equally external about their faith, then we could assume that on a general level, that this external expression of beliefs is rather genuine and well founded rather than a cultural norms or pressure.

Certainly, this issue can be approached in so many different ways and perspectives, but as a history geek, I can't help but wonder how things might change if this 'externality' of Christianity is only a contemporary cultural fashion.

I am Here to Learn: Navigating the Stereotypes of Americans in Ghana

June 1, 2012 | 2 COMMENTS

Darkness had fallen on Nzuelzo, the village on stilts in the Western Region of Ghana. It was the most remote and rustic trip my friends and I had made yet. While the host of the guest house had welcomed us warmly, our interactions with the villagers had been somewhat awkward. We were there to observe their way of life, and I was struggling with how to do so in a way that would demonstrate our respect and appreciation.

The bar which accompanied our home stay seemed to be a hot spot in the evening—if for no other reason than the generator which supplied its lights (the only lights in the town) and speakers. We made our way to the bar and continued in minimal exchange with some of the locals. Our varied English accents and vocabulary were posing a particular challenge to our attempts at conversation.

“Azonto” finally graced the boisterous speakers of the bar. Both benches—the locals and my friends and I—were quickly in the center of the bar breaking out our best “azonto” dance moves. Before long, we were laughing, smiling, and the bar was overflowing with locals trying to join. With a twist of the ankle and a pump of the fist, we had shown that we were there to learn, engage, and laugh along with the villagers.

The struggle to shape my position as a visitor to Ghana has been an ongoing challenge. In many situations, I have been presented with an unsettling hierarchical relationship between foreigners and Ghanaians. Ghanaians have a reputation for welcoming foreigners, and people frequently start up friendly conversations with me as I stroll down the street or through the market. They are curious as to why I am in Ghana and how I feel about Ghana. Often they guess at my occupation in Ghana: a volunteer; and presume how I feel: hot.

While volunteering is an honorable pursuit, I am eager to upset the stereotype and proudly respond that I am a student at the university. Perhaps my water flows more regularly and my lights rarely go out; but that does not mean that I am in the position to teach Ghana how to develop. Rather, I am here to be taught. The need to empower populations of developing countries in their ability to develop independently has been proposed as a key to sustainable development. It is important for a mutual exchange.

I did volunteer as an intern at Women in Law and Development in Africa (WiLDAF), but this too was more of an educational experience for me than anything else. On one of my most educational exposures of the internship, I accompanied a WiLDAF delegation to the Supreme Court of Ghana. When my director introduced our delegation she grouped myself and another American intern together as “representatives of donors.”

She later explained that she did not want to offend the Supreme Court justices with whom we were meeting in bringing mere interns to the visit. I appreciated being included, but my position struck me as reinforcing an unfortunate hierarchical relationship. Once again, it was an easily acceptable story that as an American I represented a donor; and, as a donor, I deserved respect even from the highest officials of the courts of Ghana.

This assumption is indicative of an unjust positioning of players in Ghana’s development. My main objective in Ghana is to explore another culture, but in those countless conversations on the street I intend to also contribute to its development by denying my role in designing it. Rather than reinforcing my stereotypical position as an instructor from the developing world, I try to empower those with which I interact: I am here to learn, and I have learned so much. Yes, I am hot, but that’s not all: I am inspired.

Azonto dancing was one way in which I was inspired, and one way in which I could visibly demonstrate to others that inspiration.I have never been a dancer. I can credit only meager rhythm to my name, but azonto is more than a performance. It is an expression of emotion, identity, and humor. It has become a form of communication and commonality that has crossed the diverse populations of Ghana and the gap between Ghanaians and foreign visitors. It has often been my gateway to inclusion amongst Ghanaians. Their enthusiasm to teach it to me and my enthusiasm to learn was a strong signifier of a mutually appreciative relationship. When we brought out our azonto moves in Nzulezo, we sent the signal that we were not visiting just to observe and compare, we were visiting to engage and adapt.

RESPONSE TO MARY GRACE REICH FROM HANNA GULLY - June 8, 2012

As an American in China, I had a similar experience as Mary Grace. While in China, Chinese people constantly approached me out of curiosity. Some people wanted to take pictures with me; others simply wanted to talk. The first question they would ask was, “Where are you from?” This was generally followed by ooo-ing of excitement when they learned I was an Americans.

Like Mary Grace, being an American seemed to earn me immediate admiration. To be fair, not all people liked the U.S., but the overall sentiment was that anything Western, especially American, was cool. As soon as I left my dorm, I attracted stares simply because of how I looked, and I would often hear people talking about me, the “waiguoren” (foreigner). I felt frustrated because I wanted to be taken seriously, but my appearance cemented my stranger status.

Just like Mary Grace, I discovered my own way of proving that I belonged. I didn’t dance, but I spoke. When I would speak Chinese with locals, I would gain their respect. Nearly every Chinese person I talked to was surprised that I could speak Chinese, and would exclaim at my ability. I tried to speak with as many people as I could – cab drivers, moon cake vendors, bubble tea ladies – and the warmth I felt from those conversations made me feel like I was no longer a stranger. Though I don’t think I was ever accepted as someone who fully belonged, I was no longer an outsider and that was a big enough accomplishment for me.

RESPONSE TO MARY GRACE REICH FROM LIANA MEHRING - June 8, 2012

I instantly identified with much of what you wrote about in you post Mary Grace. As an American in Botswana I was greeted with the same curiosity and a similar set of assumptions. The Batswana were intensely interested in my opinion of their country and often incredulous that I had chosen Botswana as a study abroad destination. Their most common assumption was that I was a peace corp volunteer or affiliated with some other humanitarian organization. When told I was a student at the University of Botswana many people, and especially younger people, were incredulous that I had actually chosen to come to Botswana.

Their surprise is symptomatic I think of our natural human tendency to think of ‘someplace else’ as more exciting or exotic than our own home. Most Batswana were amused by how entranced I was by their country in the same way I’m sure I would be entertained to see their jaws drop on a first visit to Connecticut.

That being said however, I also experienced the unfortunate hierarchical relationship you mentioned in the context of your visit to the Supreme Court. This dynamic was much more troubling and occurred most frequently in more professional social spaces such as in a court or at a hospital. For example, many of my American friends in Botswana were in a public health program through which they worked several times a week at local health clinics. Within those clinics, patients and even staff automatically assumed they were doctors. The Batswana took their cues from my friends white lab coats and skin and automatically deferred to them as people who looked like authority figures.

In certain social contexts there is a not too subtle mentality in Botswana that Westerners are imbued with greater authority or expertise. The assumption arises I believe from the belief that opportunities, education, and resources in the Western world confer a kind of superiority of Westerner professionals over local professionals. This widespread assumption however is in the process of being broken down, especially as Botswana comprehensively strengthens the entire spectrum of its social systems, most notably in heath and education.