Andrew Marinelli on "Révolution des Frites" and the Continued Political Waffling in Belgium

By: Andrew Marinelli

March 23, 2011

On February 17 of this year, Belgium surpassed Iraq as the longest standing country without a functioning government. Students, former government employees, and everyday citizens alike took to the streets to protest their political leaders’ continued failure to create a coalition government for the deeply divided country. Students at my host university, the French-speaking Université Libre de Bruxelles (or the Free University of Brussels), and the Dutch-speaking Vrije Universiteit Brussel (also translated the Free University of Brussels) participated in what was called the Révolution des Frites (French Fry Revolution) where students from both campuses marched through the streets of Brussels under one common identity—Belgian. The slogan of the revolution was “Se diviser? Pas en notre nom. – Jeunes” (Split apart? Not in our name. – the Young People.) This slogan truly brought to the surface the younger generation’s sentiment towards the non-existent government they’ve experienced for almost a year now. This generation of students does not want to see the collapse of Belgium in their lifetime and are willing to make a stand against the older generation who is putting their future as unified Belgian citizens in danger. The Révolution des Frites did not only happen in Brussels but throughout Belgium at other big university cities such as Gent, Leuven, Liège, and Antwerp.

To say that Belgium is a “country divided” would be one of the biggest understatements ever made. The country has already divided itself regionally into the northern, Dutch-speaking section, Flanders, and the southern, French-speaking section, Wallonia, with Brussels literally stuck dead center between them. The north-south divide is not only founded on linguistic differences but differences in culture, religion, and politics as well. This blatant divide in regional identity came to a head with the development of a political system early on. The Walloons were an obvious minority in the newfound Kingdom of Belgium after the Belgian Revolution in 1830 but dominated the political system and viewed the Flemish as second-class citizens. French was declared the national language, but linguistic equality slowly developed throughout the twentieth century. Follies in World War I, a veritable division in economic sectors and productivity, as well as a strong sense of linguistic heritage have continued to force these two regions apart. Many believe that by surpassing Iraq as the longest running country without a government may just be the last nail in the coffin for this country’s already waning unity.

Although tensions do seem high, many Belgians argue that the fact that Belgium still remains intact today is testament to the population’s motivation to keep the country together. Socioeconomic and linguistic divisions are apparent and seem to be dividing the nation, but in the long run, these are issues that are generally viewed as “negotiable” among the population. In addition, the political, economic, and territorial ramifications behind its devolution would throw Belgium, and arguably the entire European Union, into a scramble to restore balance. The current problem is that both sides seem to not want to make any concessions to the other for fear of losing the delicate political balance already on the brink of collapse in the country. The Walloons fear a separatist uprising backed by the New Flemish Alliance (N-VA) that will forcibly divide the nation in two. The Flemish, on the other hand, are simply fed up with Wallonia’s anti-Flemish linguistic policies and want more nationwide equality. Compromises are few and far between, but many Belgians believe that the two parties will eventually be able to come to some common agreement.

On the other hand, a Reuters article conducted last November showed that, according to a voluntary poll, approximately two-thirds of the Flemish population believe that the devolution in Belgium will happen “sooner or later.” Economics has played a significant role as well; Wallonia, the historically economic breadwinner of the two regions, was recently surpassed by Flanders’ booming agriculture and light industry sectors. Consequently, legislation before the government’s collapse was focused on maintaining profits in Flanders, feeling that Wallonia has reaped their economic benefits for long enough. From the Flemish separatists’ perspective, Wallonia has unfairly treated the northern Flemish for too long, and now that they are economically more stable than the Wallonians, they would be perfectly self-sustainable after the potential split. The legitimacy of this statement has been brought into question, but the associated mentality is difficult to eradicate.

Prejudices are hard to change and old wounds take time to heal. This issue still remains at the heart of Belgian current affairs. Next week students from both universities will come together again for the second round of the Révolution des Frites. The battle continues.

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