In Senegal, Islamic groups often assume the form of brotherhoods. Each of these is led by a spiritual guide, or marabout, who commands a loyal band of followers. Visual representations of these religious leaders adorn bedrooms, leather amulets, tracts of concrete, and the dashboards of taxis. In contrast to other strands of Islam, West African’s Sufi tradition places a greater emphasis on the mystical forces of personality that the marabouts possess. This, combined with an intricate hierarchy, gives rise to religious brotherhoods that are held together by a tight-knit sense of community and solidarity. The figurehead marabouts embody the cardinal principles of each brotherhood, one of which deserves special attention.
In 1853, Senegalese-born Cheikh Amadou Bamba founded the Mouride brotherhood on the precept of hard work. Bamba was idealized for his passive resistance against French colonial administration, which eventually prompted his exile in 1895. Accounts of miracles during his exile galvanized his following in Senegal and he was ultimately declared a mujaddid, or renewer of the Prophet Muhammad, upon his death in 1927. The Mouride’s current hierarchy remains tied to Bamba, whose first grandson, Serigne Mouhamadou Lamine Bara Mbacké, served as grand marabout until his death in 2010.
Bamba stressed that faith in God is best expressed in labor-intensive pursuits. The work ethic espoused by Mouridism has manifested itself in local daaras and dahiras, both of which emphasize the performance of chastening toil. For young children, this means spending countless hours roaming the streets in search of donations. These talibés, or students of the Qur’an, number in the tens of thousands and are directed by their respective marabouts to wander barefoot around Dakar. This phenomenon continues to attract considerable controversy, generating questions about child exploitation and the legitimacy of abusive elders who pose as marabouts. However, attempts to reduce the number of talibés are often met with religious resistance because charity is considered a central tenet of Islam.
Apart from the morally troubling dimensions of Mouridism in practice, the sect occupies a place in society that is worthy of attention. Today, they have managed to carve out an ever-expanding, influential niche in the Senegalese socioeconomic landscape. Holding to the notion that physical labor is the path to salvation, Mourides have gained authority in political life due to their impressive commercial ascension. Rural daaras engaged in groundnut production previously embodied the industrious Mouride psyche; today, urbanization has shifted this devotion to more modern merchant ventures. Although hard data is scarce, conversations with my host family and professors have suggested that the Mourides maintain a rigidly structured arrangement, with a pyramid configuration that ensures an impressively well-regulated collection of funds from commercial activities in Senegal and other hubs like New York City and Paris.
Because of the Mourides' economic influence, the government has attempted to win over the group’s elites, whose popularity ensures that their supporters fall in line with their political stances. In rural areas with poor access to information, it is difficult for voters to follow their conscience when it departs from the decree of a local religious leader, essentially making Mouride endorsement a prerequisite for desirable electoral outcomes. Even Senegal’s current President Wade, himself a Mouride, makes pilgrimages to the holy city of Touba following each of his victories, leaving no doubt about his support for the brotherhood.
As vendors of sunglasses, bootlegged CDs, and miscellaneous paraphernalia, the Mourides’ clout in socioeconomic life is staggering. A generous estimate would count three and a half million Mourides, approximately 30 percent of the Senegalese population. The close followers of Amadou Bamba, however, possess a knack for organization that renders the whole much stronger than its individual components.
The Mouride brotherhood presents a fusion of spiritual rigor and sociopolitical leverage that sheds light on our own political system. At its base, the Mouride brotherhood is a powerful voting block with ample resources to swing elections. Incumbents and political hopefuls alike must invariably make concessions to the brotherhood, which functions similarly to potent interest groups in the United States. To what extent do colossal establishments like the Mouride diminish the voice of the individual? When we consider the role of lobbying groups like the NRA, the AFL-CIO, and Wall Street, questions of a similar stripe should come to mind.