After studying abroad in Chile for a semester, traipsing around Bolivia and Peru for my summer vacation, and witnessing the profundity and diversity of religious influence in these three unique cultures, I didn’t know what to expect coming into Argentina. From my cursory knowledge of Argentine history and lecture of great Argentine thinkers such as Domingo Sarmiento and Jorge Luis Borges, I knew that Argentina is a world apart from the rest of Latin America. The beautiful fusion of indigenous religions and Catholicism that I saw in Peru and Bolivia simply doesn’t exist in Buenos Aires, mostly because there is little to no indigenous influence in everyday life here. Catholicism is the official religion due to the huge influx of Spanish and Italian immigrants at the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth, which in turn has given the religion a more European flavor.
Religion in Buenos Aires, however, isn't nearly as visible as is in the Andean region of Latin America. The ubiquitous religious processions that characterize small towns in Bolivia are completely out of character here. The secularization process inherent in neoliberal globalization has certainly taken root here as it has in the United States, and if you ask most people my age about their religion, they will flick their hand emphatically across the underside of their chin in the typical porteño gesture that means "Me? What do I know?" Thus, it puzzled me when, every time I would see someone walk by one of the many gorgeous colonial churches spread throughout the city, they would stop for a moment, reverently cross themselves, and continue on their way. After some investigation, I came to understand the church's turbulent relationship with Argentines has had a much more profound impact that is not necessarily apparent on the surface, much like the metaphor that Miguel de Unamuno uses in his novella San Manuel Bueno Mártir of a placid lake with an underground river feeding into it. Superficially, the waters are tranquil, but in the depths of the lake, there is a flurry of activity and turbulence.
As in the rest of Latin America, the first contact that the Catholic Church had with Argentina (or what was then the viceroyalty of Río de la Plata) was through the missionaries that accompanied the Spanish conquistadors, some of the most influential of which were the Jesuits. They exercised a controversial influence over the indigenous populations through efficient plantation settlements/missions called reducciones. They have been the object of study in Argentina since the beginning of their history, and, as stated by José Manuel Estrada in 1863, "There is nothing more curious in our past as the work of the Jesuits, nothing therefore that awakens more curiosity and stimulates observation" (Mari 102). These settlements offered the cross as an alternative to enslavement by the Spanish conquistors, taking them in, giving them religious education, and putting them to work in communal plantations. They were one of the most efficient ventures of the colonial period and brought in enormous amounts of income.
Their treatment of the native populations and their use of power is the point of contention among historians. Leopoldo Lugones and the Jesuit Antonio Muratori, among others, argue over this point. The pragmatic Lugones affirmed that the Jesuits exploited and presumptuously attempted to pacify and domesticate the native populations, used strict and harsh methods of discipline in order to force the Indians to stay in the settlements, and consolidated their power in order to replace the lay institutions of the crown and gain a profit in the meantime. Muratori's idealistic essay, on the other hand, agrees with Kendall W. Brown in her essay on the Jesuit missions in southern Peru that in the Jesuits shined the purity of religion, the honesty of the character of its individuals, and Christian fervor. For him, not only were the Jesuits saving the Indians from certain enslavement, they were also saving their souls and profit was an afterthought in the autonomous, communitarian spirit of the reducciones.
Modern thinkers tend to agree more with Lugones and contend that the Jesuits, though progressive for their time, still lacked cultural sensibility and made little attempt to incorporate or adjust according to the natives mentality. They qualify the Jesuits using such terms as "spiritual conquistadors," and their actions as "artificial civilization" (Mari 110). However, despite their suppression of individual freedoms and an indicator of the controversial treatment of the subject, the efficiency, power, and influence of these massive colonial operations is truly impressive.
Throughout the rest of Argentina's history: during 60 years of civil war, the formation of the nation-state and national identity, drastic cycles of economic prosperity and depression, Peronism, military dictatorships, neoliberalism coupled with corruption followed by more economic crisis, and the current rebound, the role of the Catholic Church in Argentine politics can be qualified using the term aggiornamento, or adaptation to different political, economic, social, and cultural processes which, despite its rigidity in doctrine, has made the Catholic Church a constant presence in Argentine politics. Historically, it has always enjoyed a privileged position, and, because it sees itself as the unifying matrix of society, it has skillfully used politics, for better or for worse, to extend the principles of its doctrine to the masses. However, delving into politics can create political alignments that can subordinate ecclesiastical policies with government projects, and as a result, the Catholic Church here lost much of its autonomy (Esquivel 5).
In his article "The Catholic Church, politics and society," Juan Cruz Esquivel shows the precarious relation that the clergy has had with long line of repressive regimes here in Argentina, citing specifically the number of new dioceses opened and land acquisition during the dictatorships compared with democratic government. Due to a combination of factors including the conservative and traditional nature of the military, the monopolization of social organizations during the dictatorships, and the competition with other social institutions found during democracy, the number of new dioceses established during democracy is much less than during the military dictatorships. Esquivel interprets this phenomenon as an indicator of the elevated influence and political power of the church during military dictatorships, but concludes that in the end, the government institutions were more powerful and manipulated the Church's program to fit their own ends.
During the last dictatorship, which ended in 1983 and lasted seven years, the military took repressive measures to curb the subversion and turmoil that marked political life in the years previous to the coup d'état. As a result of these measures, tens of thousands of people considered to be subversive, mostly students and people with leftist political beliefs, were taken clandestinely from their homes and were either killed or sent to torture camps. Esquivel concludes that the government was more powerful than the Church because during the seven years that the armed forces were in power, the ecclesiastical elite, who were allied with the military, turned a blind eye to the shocking number of human rights violations. However, because of the liberal movement among some young priests brought about by the Second Vatican, a radical, rebellious sector of the church ironically was actually the main source of aid to those who suffered under the dictatorship's repression. In an age of absolute discourse, many priests preached Marxism and revolution, and provided aid to the subversive sectors marginalized and excluded from society by the government. These priests, despite their ecclesiastical affiliation, were some of the main targets of the repressive tactics of the armed forces. After the affiliation of the Catholic Church with some of these illegal repressive measures came to light in 1996, the Church's influence in political life has dropped off, and it has tried to create a new face for itself.
Currently, the face of the Catholic Church, given its rough history, is not nearly as visible as it once was. It emerges mostly in the form of charitable work towards disadvantaged populations affected by the poor distribution of income and social contradictions (problems not unknown to us back in the United States) that plague this country. The most prominent of these organizations is called Caritas.
Caritas started in Germany as a war relief effort after World War I and went international after the Second World War when the Vatican established Caritas relief centers and charity organizations in over 200 countries. Caritas focuses mainly on the postmodern concept of understanding poverty in its diverse contexts instead of simply treating its most obvious symptoms. In order to do this, Caritas promotes understanding the integral role of the other that stimulates collective action and curbs the individualism inherent in today's globalized environment. All forms of social work including job training, community housing, helping handicapped individuals, and educating people to know their rights and how to better help themselves are all major priorities of the organization.
From its humble beginnings, Caritas has now become synonymous with charity organizations in Argentina and has its own form of aggiornamento, adapting to the infrequent crises that wrack the Argentinian economy. In fact, Caritas was the main source of solace and community action during the economic crises of 1989 and 2001. Interestingly enough, on their website, Cáritas explicitly states their relation to the state, saying: "Caritas doesn't look to replace the State in its responsibility to provide concrete actions to the Argentine people. The strategy of Caritas Argentina is complementary and consists of dialogue with the state and other social organizations in assistance to people and families in situations of poverty, and the identification and support of innovative projects that promote improved methods of human development." Obviously, the Catholic Church has recognized the precariousness of relating directly with the state, and Caritas, through dealing solely with civil institutions, effectively avoids working in the public sector.
Starting with its complementary role in the conquest of the New World, the Catholic Church has had a powerful influence on the lives of all of Latin Americans, and in Buenos Aires, despite its secular leanings, the Catholic Church still holds together the fabric (Esquivel 10) of Argentine society. The seemingly paradoxical situation of the amazing efficiency of the Jesuit reductions coupled with strict repression, and the divisive position the ecclesiastical elite held during the military dictatorships, makes any all-encompassing and qualitative evaluation of the Church impossible. Now, however, with the healthy and indispensable social work of Caritas, the Church has tried to work behind the scenes and maintain a low profile in the lives of Argentine people. The autonomy that it lost by mixing in politics will take years to recuperate, but by working in the private sector, the risk of getting involved in the corruption and power struggles of political life here are much less.
As in the rest of Latin America, the first contact that the Catholic Church had with Argentina (or what was then the viceroyalty of Río de la Plata) was through the missionaries that accompanied the Spanish conquistadors, some of the most influential of which were the Jesuits. They exercised a controversial influence over the indigenous populations through efficient plantation settlements/missions called reducciones. They have been the object of study in Argentina since the beginning of their history, and, as stated by José Manuel Estrada in 1863, "There is nothing more curious in our past as the work of the Jesuits, nothing therefore that awakens more curiosity and stimulates observation" (Mari 102). These settlements offered the cross as an alternative to enslavement by the Spanish conquistors, taking them in, giving them religious education, and putting them to work in communal plantations. They were one of the most efficient ventures of the colonial period and brought in enormous amounts of income.
Their treatment of the native populations and their use of power is the point of contention among historians. Leopoldo Lugones and the Jesuit Antonio Muratori, among others, argue over this point. The pragmatic Lugones affirmed that the Jesuits exploited and presumptuously attempted to pacify and domesticate the native populations, used strict and harsh methods of discipline in order to force the Indians to stay in the settlements, and consolidated their power in order to replace the lay institutions of the crown and gain a profit in the meantime. Muratori's idealistic essay, on the other hand, agrees with Kendall W. Brown in her essay on the Jesuit missions in southern Peru that in the Jesuits shined the purity of religion, the honesty of the character of its individuals, and Christian fervor. For him, not only were the Jesuits saving the Indians from certain enslavement, they were also saving their souls and profit was an afterthought in the autonomous, communitarian spirit of the reducciones.
Modern thinkers tend to agree more with Lugones and contend that the Jesuits, though progressive for their time, still lacked cultural sensibility and made little attempt to incorporate or adjust according to the natives mentality. They qualify the Jesuits using such terms as "spiritual conquistadors," and their actions as "artificial civilization" (Mari 110). However, despite their suppression of individual freedoms and an indicator of the controversial treatment of the subject, the efficiency, power, and influence of these massive colonial operations is truly impressive.
Throughout the rest of Argentina's history: during 60 years of civil war, the formation of the nation-state and national identity, drastic cycles of economic prosperity and depression, Peronism, military dictatorships, neoliberalism coupled with corruption followed by more economic crisis, and the current rebound, the role of the Catholic Church in Argentine politics can be qualified using the term aggiornamento, or adaptation to different political, economic, social, and cultural processes which, despite its rigidity in doctrine, has made the Catholic Church a constant presence in Argentine politics. Historically, it has always enjoyed a privileged position, and, because it sees itself as the unifying matrix of society, it has skillfully used politics, for better or for worse, to extend the principles of its doctrine to the masses. However, delving into politics can create political alignments that can subordinate ecclesiastical policies with government projects, and as a result, the Catholic Church here lost much of its autonomy (Esquivel 5).
In his article "The Catholic Church, politics and society," Juan Cruz Esquivel shows the precarious relation that the clergy has had with long line of repressive regimes here in Argentina, citing specifically the number of new dioceses opened and land acquisition during the dictatorships compared with democratic government. Due to a combination of factors including the conservative and traditional nature of the military, the monopolization of social organizations during the dictatorships, and the competition with other social institutions found during democracy, the number of new dioceses established during democracy is much less than during the military dictatorships. Esquivel interprets this phenomenon as an indicator of the elevated influence and political power of the church during military dictatorships, but concludes that in the end, the government institutions were more powerful and manipulated the Church's program to fit their own ends.
During the last dictatorship, which ended in 1983 and lasted seven years, the military took repressive measures to curb the subversion and turmoil that marked political life in the years previous to the coup d'état. As a result of these measures, tens of thousands of people considered to be subversive, mostly students and people with leftist political beliefs, were taken clandestinely from their homes and were either killed or sent to torture camps. Esquivel concludes that the government was more powerful than the Church because during the seven years that the armed forces were in power, the ecclesiastical elite, who were allied with the military, turned a blind eye to the shocking number of human rights violations. However, because of the liberal movement among some young priests brought about by the Second Vatican, a radical, rebellious sector of the church ironically was actually the main source of aid to those who suffered under the dictatorship's repression. In an age of absolute discourse, many priests preached Marxism and revolution, and provided aid to the subversive sectors marginalized and excluded from society by the government. These priests, despite their ecclesiastical affiliation, were some of the main targets of the repressive tactics of the armed forces. After the affiliation of the Catholic Church with some of these illegal repressive measures came to light in 1996, the Church's influence in political life has dropped off, and it has tried to create a new face for itself.
Currently, the face of the Catholic Church, given its rough history, is not nearly as visible as it once was. It emerges mostly in the form of charitable work towards disadvantaged populations affected by the poor distribution of income and social contradictions (problems not unknown to us back in the United States) that plague this country. The most prominent of these organizations is called Caritas.
Caritas started in Germany as a war relief effort after World War I and went international after the Second World War when the Vatican established Caritas relief centers and charity organizations in over 200 countries. Caritas focuses mainly on the postmodern concept of understanding poverty in its diverse contexts instead of simply treating its most obvious symptoms. In order to do this, Caritas promotes understanding the integral role of the other that stimulates collective action and curbs the individualism inherent in today's globalized environment. All forms of social work including job training, community housing, helping handicapped individuals, and educating people to know their rights and how to better help themselves are all major priorities of the organization.
From its humble beginnings, Caritas has now become synonymous with charity organizations in Argentina and has its own form of aggiornamento, adapting to the infrequent crises that wrack the Argentinian economy. In fact, Caritas was the main source of solace and community action during the economic crises of 1989 and 2001. Interestingly enough, on their website, Cáritas explicitly states their relation to the state, saying: "Caritas doesn't look to replace the State in its responsibility to provide concrete actions to the Argentine people. The strategy of Caritas Argentina is complementary and consists of dialogue with the state and other social organizations in assistance to people and families in situations of poverty, and the identification and support of innovative projects that promote improved methods of human development." Obviously, the Catholic Church has recognized the precariousness of relating directly with the state, and Caritas, through dealing solely with civil institutions, effectively avoids working in the public sector.
Starting with its complementary role in the conquest of the New World, the Catholic Church has had a powerful influence on the lives of all of Latin Americans, and in Buenos Aires, despite its secular leanings, the Catholic Church still holds together the fabric (Esquivel 10) of Argentine society. The seemingly paradoxical situation of the amazing efficiency of the Jesuit reductions coupled with strict repression, and the divisive position the ecclesiastical elite held during the military dictatorships, makes any all-encompassing and qualitative evaluation of the Church impossible. Now, however, with the healthy and indispensable social work of Caritas, the Church has tried to work behind the scenes and maintain a low profile in the lives of Argentine people. The autonomy that it lost by mixing in politics will take years to recuperate, but by working in the private sector, the risk of getting involved in the corruption and power struggles of political life here are much less.
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