Berkley Center

Unlike other predominantly Muslim countries, Senegal is not an Islamic republic; nevertheless the power and influence of religious leaders is remarkable. Senegal is known as the country of teranga, that is to say hospitality; here one can stroll peacefully down the city streets without having to look over the shoulder, and you can go technically anywhere in the countryside without having to fear armed rebels (the only exception would be the Casamance region, which has an armed separatist movement, the Movement of Democratic Forces of Casamance [Mouvement des forces démocratiques de Casamance, MFDC]; however, the area has been remarkably calm over the past year).

However, the peaceful city of Dakar was shaken up a couple of weeks ago by a branch of the Mouride Sufi brotherhood known as the Thiantacoun. All over the Dakar roads and on the evening news indignant Senegalese saw images of totaled cars, the gendarmerie being deployed throughout, and the Dakar public bus service being cancelled for a day. The members of the Thiantacoun were, and still are, demanding the release of their marabout, religious leader Serigne Bethio.

Sheikh Bethio Thioune is accused of being accomplice to the murder and illicit burial of two individuals in the region of Thies. During the week following Bethio’s arrest and particularly during his trial process security was heightened in the streets of Dakar and especially in front of the Supreme Court. A few days after the pillage of Dakar by the Thiantacoun, the ministerial cabinet was reshuffled and a military officer was appointed as minister of the interior, the ministry that got the most public heat because of inaction during the violent manifestations.

This occurrence comes to show the important role that religious leaders play in Senegalese society. Bethio Thioune is a secondary, if not tertiary, figure in the hierarchy of the Mouride brotherhood, yet his disciples ask and fight for him to be exempt from the law and above it; some attribute this bad habits to the era of the previous president Abdoulaye Wade. The first Mouride president of Senegal, Wade’s 12 years in power can be summed up by one of his first gestures as president. Elected in 2000 with the public endorsement of the militant Mouride confrerie’s leadership, Wade went to Touba, the holy city of Mouridism and seat of its caliph. Once there, President Wade and his cabinet sat on the floor in front of the caliph’s seat and presented themselves as humbles disciples; a gesture that the press at the time headlined as “the Republic kneels in front of the Mouride caliph.” So much for the republican and secular spirit of Wade’s presidency!

However, I think that the power of the religious structures goes much deeper. There exists in Senegal a parallel power structure to that of the state, that of religious leaders. Even the French colonists, more than a hundred years ago, were forced to use marabouts as intermediaries with the population. Furthermore, it was through religious structures that opposition and resistance to the colonization was organized. To this day, the endorsement of religious leaders is a must for individuals who seek positions of power and influence within the social and particularly political hierarchies. Thus the structure of religious brotherhoods has for centuries provided Senegal with an alternative social framework, and it has undoubtedly contributed to the countries stability.

At the same time this is a double-edged sword as the religious leaders are aware of their power and are reluctant to give it away. Current President Macky Sall had a slip during his campaign when he said that under his presidency religious leaders would be citizens like any other. Before 24 hours had passed he had revised his statement, and once elected he immediately toured the country visiting every major religious leader to ensure to them that they would work together. These religious leaders hold great sway over their disciples, and as long as there continues to be a good relationship between them and the government peace will reign. However, the frightening fact of the matter is the level of loyalty that disciples hold towards their marabouts and how this sense of loyalty goes above any other they might have.

After witnessing the events that followed Bethio Thioune’s arrest I am not the only one wondering what could be done if the general caliph of Mourides were to commit any crime whatsoever. As evidenced by the example of Sheikh Thioune’s case, touching the caliph of the most militant and second most numerous confrerie in the country is completely out of the question. One can only imagine the civil strife that would break out if the civil government dared touch such a religious leader. The impunity that some religious personalities can privilege from in the eyes of the law is an interesting and worrisome part of this stable and peaceful republic. Yet no one can deny that something must be done about it.