#jesuischarlie

By: Camille Reisfield

February 6, 2015

As I write this piece, it has been less than a month after the attack of the Charlie Hebdo headquarters, the attack in Montrouge, and the two hostage situations, which ended in the deaths of the three men responsible and the arrest of a fourth suspect.

Je suis Charlie or, "I am Charlie," and all of its variations have become rallying cries for a shocked, grieving, but recovering nation and for millions of people around the world who stand in support. There is still a wide range of viewpoints collected under this hashtag, but generally the phrase has been used by supporters of freedom of speech, freedom of expression, and freedom of press. Even now, not everyone can agree about whether Charlie Hebdo’s satire and insults are a worthy example of the use of a freedom that needs defending or whether the daily discrimination—or marginalization—and nearly nonexistent employment opportunities these men probably faced drove them to their final decisions. The focus for many has been solely and justifiably on the victims and their families, while other have dared to bring up what may have drawn Saïd and Chérif Kouachi, Hamyd Mourad, and Amedy Coulibaly to such violence. Just like the American dream, the French motto Liberté, égalité, fraternitéhas routinely and historically struggled to adapt to individualism, integration, regionalism, and immigration. France has to examine and reflect on these issues too in order to instigate change.

However, any radicalization is not condoned by events in the past, whatever that past may have been.

In the wake of these incidents, France is considering legal developments to prevent homegrown radicalization. While I have had to present a form of ID to enter into any educational or administration building as Vigipirate (France’s national security alert system) has been raised, the arrests of people considered supporting or justifying terrorism—such as this eight-year-old child—is much more consuming. The reactions to these events have led to the creation of a three year, 425 million euro program, which would include greater surveillance, more personnel and better equipment, and many more changes. Preventative measures against youth radicalization would cost 60 million euro more and would address anti-Semitism and racism. One very significant amendment would make prosecuting those who try to expand or encourage terrorism online easier.

These proposed changes seem to go against the rights of the journalists and French citizens who are now being defended in Charlie Hebdo’s publications, but the government makes a distinction between condemning an idea and attacking or threatening an individual when discussing their policing of the internet usage. The differentiation between these liberties and their separation from satire should be noted. Satire should be protected. Without it, the exchange of opinions and the liberty of expression would be stunted. Caricatures have been a part of French history since before the Revolution as an integrated part of the culture.

So as I start my second semester in Paris, with a more insightful view of a city I have grown to love as I wander or je flâne, I cannot help but notice the Je suis Charlie signs on the doors of cafés and hanging from windows of apartments—and stand with France as my country recovers.

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