Berkley Center

“I say we get the IRA back up and running … bring back Martin McGuinness from the dead!”

I’d like to think the Catholic boy who blurted that out in a pub (ironically named the Empire) was joking, but it’s difficult to tell these days. To add to my incredulity, a friend who strongly identifies as unionist nonchalantly toasted to that statement, and mentioned that he’ll be applying for an Irish passport, much to the chagrin of his militantly unionist father. But imagine that: A Protestant unionist applying for an Irish passport and a Catholic nationalist campaigning for the return of the Irish Republican Army in 2018. I don’t presume to know the proclivities of every person in Northern Ireland, but as a student in Belfast, I’ve seen a shift in the political climate amongst highly-educated cosmopolitan youth who see and value the opportunities that come with European Union membership, which Brexit now complicates. 

Brexit has raised serious concerns as to the constitutional integrity of Northern Ireland, which still exists in a state of tense peace after the signing of the monumental Good Friday Agreement (GFA). One of the crucial aspects of the GFA in maintaining peace was the maintenance of a strong bilateral relationship between the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland (ROI), which necessitated what essentially is a binational state—full executive power-sharing and acceptance and recognition of Northern Ireland on the part of both unionists and nationalists. The result is a province that is both British and Irish. In essence, the GFA was successful insofar as it adequately accommodated both national groups to ensure peace, maintaining the union of the United Kingdom while opening the door for Irish involvement. With Brexit, the union remains, but now in an exclusively British context.

Unsurprisingly, Northern Ireland is the most distinctly affected by the “Leave” vote, which has brought religious, political, and cultural divisions from the era of the Troubles back to the forefront of politics. The divide between unionists and nationalists was apparent in their voting patterns on EU membership. Eighty-nine percent of those who identified as nationalist, 88 percent of those identifying as Irish, and 85 percent of Catholics voted to remain in the EU, while 35 percent of those who identified as unionist, 38 percent identifying as British, and 41 percent of Protestants chose to remain. The Brexit vote has once again split Northern Ireland down the middle, largely pitting Irish-nationalist-Catholics against British-unionist-Protestants. Twenty years after the end of the Troubles, it would appear that the same religious, political, and ethnic cleavages continue to overlap and reinforce each other with tragic consequences. 

And yet, I am surrounded by a generation of students who grew up in an era of peace in Northern Ireland. Their exposure to the Troubles is limited to the stories they hear from their parents and grandparents. To a new generation of cosmopolitan youth, membership in the EU represents opportunity. Brexit has cast doubt on their ascribed identities as they begin to question the practicality of a hard border with Ireland, which greatly undermines the philosophy of the GFA. A simple cost-benefit analysis would highlight the benefit of owning an Irish passport, and for a young unionist with no personal experience of war, there is little to hold him or her back from becoming a Protestant Irish citizen. 

As we approach the twentieth anniversary of the end of the Troubles, we can no longer take peace for granted. Talk of Irish reunification has grown increasingly frequent, and bilateral relations between the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland appear to be souring. Many students I spoke to have expressed their desire to apply for ROI passports so as to retain free access to the European Union. Others have bemoaned the loss of their chance to study abroad as part of the EU-sponsored ERASMUS program. More importantly, the leading nationalist party, Sinn Féin, has called for a reunification poll, and should it be put to a referendum, the outcome could very well be a reunified Irish isle. As it stands, Protestant unionists continue to maintain a slim majority in Northern Ireland, and divisions continue to persist and reinforce each other. Without the GFA, the British government will no longer be obliged to legislate for a united Ireland, with or without the consent of the citizens of Northern Ireland. If the GFA were to collapse, we would be left with a near-identical pre-Troubles province—a British Northern Ireland for British citizens—which does not bode well for peace in the region.